More reaction is close to Charlie Kirks Killing. It will be bad.

Two days later, little is known about the circumstances surrounding the murder of the extreme right -right activist Charlie Kirk at a Utah University on Wednesday. The FBI announced the arrest of a suspect, Tyler Robinson, 22, on Friday, but no reason has not yet been announced.

But even before Robinson’s arrest, when nothing was known about the shooter, the voices of the right of President Donald Trump, Down, quickly requested a remuneration against their political enemies, whom they immediately blamed for the death of their ally.

The calls have varied from “war” statements against the Democrats and liberals to the allusions until the burning of 1933 of the Reichstag that led to the suspension of civil liberties in Germany and, finally, in the passage of the enabling law, giving Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party not revisable the power to crush its domestic opponents.

“Charlie Kirk is a victim of war,” said Steve Bannon, the former Trump advisor, on Wednesday in his podcast called “War Room.” “We are at war in this country. We are.”

“They are at war with us, whether we want to accept it or not. What are we going to do about it?” News presenter, Jesse Watters, said Wednesday night. “All are responsible … politicians, the media and all these rats out there.”

“It is time, within the confines of the law, infiltrate, interrupt, arrest and imprison all those responsible for this chaos,” wrote Chris Rufo, the right -wing activist near the Trump administration, in X.

Similar feelings were published by extreme right -wing conspirators online and influencers such as Alex Jones de Infowars, Libbs of Tiktok influencer Chaya Raichik, Trump’s confidant Laura Loomer, the federalist and founder of the Stewart Rhodes oath Trump Rhodes asked Trump to “invoke the insurrection law.”

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“You should declare that the left in this country is in obvious open rebellion against the Law of the United States,” Rhodes said in the Jones Infowars show on Wednesday.

When a reporter interrogated him on Thursday, representative Derrick Van Order (R-Wis.) Blamed “all of you” in the press for Kirk’s death.

“You are responsible for this, because you are echoing the horribly horrible violent political rhetoric produced by the Democratic Party,” said Van Order.

“There is no midpoint,” said representative Bob Onder (R-MO) on the floor of the house on Wednesday.

In a publication seen more than 2.6 million times, the activist of the white supremacist Matt Forney called the murder of Kirk “the American fire Reichstag”, and asked “a complete plisa to the left. Each democratic politician must be arrested and the prohibited party.”

These calls to political repression are falling on fertile fields. As he has repeatedly done in his political life, Trump has refused to carry out the unit, as most of the presidents would at such moments and, instead, they poured fuel in the fire in a speech of the desktop resolved in the Oval office on Wednesday night.

“For years, those on the radical left have compared wonderful Americans like Charlie with the Nazis and the worst murderers and mass criminals of the world,” Trump said. “This type of rhetoric is directly responsible for terrorism that we are seeing in our country today, and must stop at this time. My administration will find each and every one of those who contributed to this atrocity, and other political violence, including the organizations that finance and support it, as well as those who persecute our judges, officers of the law and all others that order our country.”

Trump’s exclusion from political violence committed by his allies was intentional. When asked about the violence of the right -wing radicals in News on Friday, Trump replied: “I couldn’t care less.”

But beyond a promise of revenge for Kirk, Trump’s words are also a promise to turbocate the impulse of autocratic consolidation that is already underway. And there is a plan to do it.

“[I have] The right to do what you want, “Trump said on August 26.” I am the president of the United States. If I believe that our country is in danger, and is in danger in these cities, I can do it. ”

Kirk’s murder now serves as a possible jump point for much broader repression. The murders or political attacks have long served as justification for authoritarian consolidation or brutal repressions in disadvantaged groups throughout history.

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The most infamous example is the one referenced by Forney: the Fire Reichstag. Shortly after Hitler was appointed Foreign Minister of Reich in 1933, a Dutch leftist, although not a communist, established the country’s national legislature, the Reichstag, in flames in an offer in response to the treatment of workers.

Hitler and his second command Hermann Göring theorized, based on any evidence, that this was the beginning of a communist revolution. They convinced the legislature of this conspiracy and ensured the approval of a law to suspend civil liberties. The Nazis police and militias attacked, arrested and stopped thousands of leaders and members of the Communist Party in the Dachau concentration camp that opened while prohibiting other parties of campaigning. Weeks later, the Reichstag approved the authorization law, beginning the dictatorship of the Nazi party that lasted until Hitler’s death in 1945.

Similarly, the murder of an official of the German embassy of a Jewish teenager in Paris in 1938 served as a pretext for anti -Semitic disturbances against Jewish Germans known as Kristallnacht.

And yes, it has happened in the United States. In 1919, mail bombs sent by anarchists to government officials led to vicious repression of the Department of Justice, known as Palmer’s raids, who brought together thousands of immigrants who believed they were anarchists or communists for detention and deportation. But this repression finally collapsed in the middle of the internal division in the administration of President Woodrow Wilson and a legal response of the ACLU, which was created in response to the raids.

Palmer raids can now serve as a repression model that Trump’s allies want him to promulgate from here.

“The last time the left radical orchestrated a wave of violence and terror, J. Edgar Hoover closed it in a few years,” Rufo published in X.

And instead of being closed, it has the snowball potential. Unlike Wilson, Trump is an aspiring autocrat who delights with political violence and seeks to govern Fiat. Violence color its rhetoric, with constant references to blood, savagery, enemies and war. Only a few days ago he threatened with Chicago with a military intervention by saying on social networks that the city “would discover why the war department is called”, after issuing an executive order that sought to change the name of the Department of Defense to the War Department.

A deployment of the National Guard in Chicago would have come from an emergency statement that gives Trump Broad Powers, but Trump has used such statements. The emergency spurious statements declared on the basis of non -emerging events, such as a means to centralize authority and avoid Congress and courts, have become a distinctive seal of their second mandate: he deployed troops in Washington, DC, after an employee of the Trump administration was the victim of street crimes in the city, which was used as a pretext to federalize the DC Police Department. Similarly, protests against immigration raids in Los Angeles were used to justify the deployment of troops there during the summer, despite the objections of the city officials and the state they said they had the situation under control.

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This impulse was seen on January 6, 2021, during the violent insurrection that Trump promoted, which he called “a day of love.” The insurrection marked the pinnacle, until now, of his support for political violence and the will to encourage the crisis to create an emergency situation. Despite the numerous assaults on police officers, threats to kill legislators and vice president Mike Pence and the death of five police later, Trump praised the insurrectionists and, upon returning to power, forgave them all.

By announcing your 2024 campaign, Trump committed to your followers“I am your warrior. I am your justice. And for those who have been harmed and betrayed, I am your compensation.” That compensation would be carried against their democratic opponents, whom he called “The enemy from within” and threatened with a specific force. The internal enemy, Trump said, “should be handled very easily by, if necessary, by the National Guard, or, if really necessary, by the military.”

He has delighted with political violence addressed to his opponents with praise to the assailants and the mockery of the victims. He joked about The attack against the husband of Democratic representative Nancy Pelosi In 2022. When a democratic state legislator in Minnesota was killed and another injured in an attack perpetrated by a right -wing assailant, Trump He called it A “terrible thing”, but added that Democratic governor Tim Walz is a “terrible governor” not to call to offer condolences.

This mockery of the Democrats, joined the conspiracy theory, which face political violence has become a distinctive seal of the right in Trump’s era.

After the attacks of Minnesota, the rightists He hastened to social networks to affirm that the attack was committed by a leftist.

“Nightmare in waltz [sic] Street ”, Senator Mike Lee (R-UTAH) sayingmocking the governor, along with a photo of the attacker against X. (He read later withdrew the position after being ashamed by his colleagues in Minnesota).

“The left end is murderously violent,” billionaire Elon Musk wrote in x At the moment. Read He replied: “Verification of facts: true.”

Kirk himself entered the act At that time, attacking Walz with statements that the gunman was an Anti-Trump protester, “total surprise to stain a duly elected president who won an overwhelming electoral mandate as a fascist or King leads to a violent political radicalization.”

This policy mode has created an atmosphere over low heat of Fear and political violence A naughty field. It has been torn in the fabric of the nation, threatening to submerge it in the abyss of tyranny or civil struggle. Trump’s aspirations of total power depend on this atmosphere, since it is very unpopular and has only the most thin legislative majorities in Congress.

Kirk’s murder can give him the pretext to try to promulgate the wildest fantasies of his most extreme supporters. That can be difficult without popular support or a legal structure to achieve it, but a meteorologist is not needed to know how the wind blows.